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Pew Pew … #TrumpsGestapo point their guns at photographer during #PortlandProtests

7 min read

Trump's cosplay paramilitary uses repression stunts to reinforce GOP's voter suppression message, pointing their tiny mushrooms.


Putting the sado in sado-populism, Trump is surging(sic) violence by central-casting a collection of DHS tactical squads to attempt a paramilitary spectacle. Only the extras aren’t cooperating because they’re everyday citizens more worried about his failed leadership with a pandemic. The only health and safety on Trump and Barr’s minds is cleansing dissent and protest to create campaign advertising content.

“The question of whether or not the administration has the legal authority to take such action will be fought out in legal challenges. But the question of whether or not these arrests are appropriate has a clear answer—at least in a nation that purports to live under the rule of law,” write Quinta Jurecic and Benjamin Wittes.…

Will the electorate be fooled even as the Trumpist base does their sheeple-thing, forgetting about a potential quarter-million pandemic deaths at the end of the Trump term. Trump today tried to normalize the deaths of older people in nursing homes as being the significant fatalities. 

The real insurgency requiring attention is that of the coronavirus itself, even as the spate of federal street violence tries to makes its victims into perpetrators. It seems not to be scaring suburbanites into joining the Trump repression or defecting from the prospect of voting against Trump in November.

Violence from 50,000 Trump election observers could happen among the “very fine people on both sides” on election day. And the US version of the “little green men” in Ukraine will have been normalized enough to allow even unidentified civilian camo-wearers to cause chaos at the polls.

DHS, Doj, FBI, CBP, ICE, TSA, DEA , and BoP are now being pressed into service as Trump’s personal militia. The (un)intended consequence will be the mounting numbers of victims of such force. It’s not 1968, and resorting to the tired cliches of Reagan and Nixon only reminds us of the historical contradictions and Trump’s superficial understanding.


— Julie Laumann (@Otpor17) July 22, 2020

What remains is what Charlie Sykes calls, “picking over the bones of the post-Trump Republican party”. Trump could yet still pull out a victory like 2016, with fractured voting margins in swings states enough to create the image of a contestable election result including shenanigans with the Electoral College and tons of lawfare.

In deploying federal forces, Trump appears to be trying to provoke clashes with protesters, which he can use to convince white suburban voters that he’s the last line of defense between them and the chaos allegedly incubating in cities, Rahm Emanuel, the former Chicago mayor, told me. Referring to the street battle between construction workers and anti-war protesters in Manhattan in 1970, Emanuel said, “Trump is trying to create his own hard-hat riot, and they are wearing [law-enforcement] helmets.”


— The Atlantic (@TheAtlantic) July 22, 2020

The political risk for Republicans in that strategy, many political observers told me, is not only that it could provoke more opposition from residents in the city centers, but that it could also accelerate the shift toward Democrats in the large, well-educated, and more and more diverse inner suburbs around the major cities. Over time, the “larger denser suburbs” have become “like cities and throw in with the cities”—they don’t identify as much with the less-populated areas, says Robert Lang, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution’s Metropolitan Policy Program and a co-author of the upcoming book Blue Metros, Red States.
Potentially even more explosive is Trump’s decision to send federal law-enforcement officials into Portland following sustained protests there, as well as his threat to deploy federal agents into other cities run by “very liberal Democrats,” including Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, Detroit, and Oakland.
The politics of all these proliferating battles between Republican officials and Democratic cities may unfold at two levels. With Trump monumentally unpopular in urban centers but still strong in rural places, the most immediate political question is how suburban voters will respond.

Like other observers, Lang from Brookings notes that, historically, families moved to the suburbs explicitly because they wanted to separate themselves from the cities, and in many cases, from the large minority populations that they contained.

But since the 1990s, more suburbanites have concluded that their political views align more with the diverse, cosmopolitan cities nearby than with the more culturally conservative, preponderantly white, and Christian smaller places far from the urban core. Under Trump that process has intensified: He’s precipitated a significant shift toward the Democrats in white-collar suburbs that fueled the party’s sweeping gains in the House in 2018. Though Republicans once could count on big margins as soon as they crossed a city’s boundaries, Lang notes, now, in most places, “the line for Republicans has moved outward further” in the metro, he says.…


— Robert C Stern (@RobertCStern) July 23, 2020




— OPB (@OPB) July 16, 2020


— Really American 🇺🇸 (@ReallyAmerican1) July 22, 2020


— I Stan Dr. Coyle because no one else will (@NJKuecken) July 23, 2020

Trump’s hope will be more escalated confrontations between protesters and the federal paramilitary agents with extreme prejudice, because that will give Trump his Horst Wessel moment. In Chicago he’s hoping one of the 700 gangs will resist a snatch and grab (no body cams here). They want bloodshed.


— REFrankel (@REFrankel) July 16, 2020


— George Conway (@gtconway3d) July 22, 2020

#RIGGEDELECTION is like ‘preemptive arrests’


— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 21, 2020


— Heidi Cuda (@Heidi_Cuda) July 22, 2020


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