all those number 6's at the Villages, and Ghislaine made a Dead Pool

How good are the cameras at Rose M. Singer Center (Rikers for Women)? The goods: laundry, baggage, etc. and the tapes, oh so many tapes. Is the GOP “so far gone that even if Ghislane Maxwell implicates the President in child sex trafficking, they will find a way to excuse it, and his base won’t care.”

Mar 5, 2020 Federal investigators on Thursday found a loaded gun that had been smuggled into the Lower Manhattan prison where Jeffrey Epstein killed himself last summer.

The Metropolitan Correctional Center, New York (MCC New York) is a United States federal administrative detention facility in the Civic Center of Lower Manhattan, New York City, located on Park Row behind the Thurgood Marshall United States Courthouse at Foley Square. It is operated by the Federal Bureau of Prisons, a division of the United States Department of Justice.

MCC New York holds male and female prisoners of all security levels. Most prisoners held at MCC New York have pending cases in the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. MCC New York also holds prisoners serving brief sentences.[1]

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— CBS News (@CBSNews) July 2, 2020

Berman gets fired from SDNY and suddenly Ghislaine Maxwell gets arrested

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— Fred Voros (@fredvoros) July 2, 2020

Volume I

“…Roger Stone made several attempts to contact Wikileaks founder Assange, boasted of his access to Assange, and was in regular contact with Campaign officials about the releases that Assange made and was believed to be planning.” (Vol I., p. 51)

This is the overarching theme of the newly unsealed information—much of which became public in the indictment of Stone in January 2019 and over the course of Stone’s trial. It’s the details that follow that are more noteworthy.

“…beginning in June 2016 and continuing through October 2016, Stone spoke about Wikileaks with senior Campaign officials, including candidate Trump.” (Vol I., p. 51)

While the redacted report hints at involvement by Trump, the hidden material makes this frustratingly unclear. The unredacted copy directly states that Trump spoke multiple times with Stone about Wikileaks’s release of material damaging to Clinton. Specifically, according to the report, Stone told the Trump campaign “as early as June 2016”—that is, at least a month before Wikileaks began its releases on July 22—that Assange would release damaging documents.

Much of this material became public during Stone’s trial thanks to Rick Gates, a campaign official indicted as part of the Mueller probe who testified against Stone. Gates testified then that he and campaign chairman Paul Manafort spoke with Stone about future Wikileaks releases in June, and that the campaign’s interest in what Stone had to offer peaked after July 22—that is, after it turned out that Stone’s information might have been accurate. According to Gates, Manafort expressed interest in more information on Wikileaks and asked Gates to keep in touch with Stone about possible future releases.

All this is now also documented in the unredacted report—much of it, footnotes show, derived from FBI interviews with Gates. But the report also documents matching testimony from Manafort himself, who told Mueller’s office that “Stone told Manafort he was dealing with someone who was in contact with Wikileaks and believed that there would be an imminent release of emails by Wikileaks” (Vol. I, p. 52).

According to Michael Cohen, Stone told Trump in a phone call before July 22 that “he had just gotten off the phone with Julian Assange and in a couple of days Wikileaks would release information.” After the July release, Trump “said to Cohen something to the effect of, ‘I guess Roger was right.’” (Vol. I, p. 53)

Cohen informed Congress of this incident in his public testimony in February 2019—which is cited in the report itself, along with an FBI interview of Cohen. During his testimony, as the report notes, he estimated that the Stone call took place on July 18 or 19. In Cohen’s account, he was in Trump’s office in Trump Tower when Stone called and Trump put the call on speakerphone, allowing Cohen to hear.

The fact that Trump later commented “I guess Roger was right” (according to Cohen) is new, however.

After the first Wikileaks dump, Manafort spoke with Trump about Stone’s apparent foreknowledge of the release. Trump “responded that Manafort should stay in touch with Stone. Manafort relayed the message to Stone[.]” (Vol. I, p. 53)

Gates’ testimony in Stone’s trial gave part of this story: Gates told the jury that Manafort asked him to keep in touch with Stone about upcoming Wikileaks releases and that Manafort said he personally would keep others on the campaign updated, “including the candidate.”

Now, though, the unsealed portions of the report give Manafort’s side of the story as well, revealing that Manafort spoke directly with Trump and that the directive for campaign officials to keep up with Stone came from Trump himself. (The footnotes to portions of the text describing claims by Manafort are still redacted, and are labeled in the original report as redacted grand jury material—consistent with court documents that show Manafort testified twice before the grand jury.)

Gates also stated that Stone called candidate Trump multiple times during the campaign. Gates recalled one lengthy telephone conversation between Stone and candidate Trump that took place while Trump and Gates were driving to LaGuardia Airport. Although Gates could not hear what Stone was saying on the telephone, shortly after the call candidate Trump told Gates that more releases of damaging information would be coming.” (Vol. I, p. 54)

The original report included a tantalizing redaction—the only text available of the material quoted above described a car ride with Trump and Gates to the airport, and the fact that Trump told Gates to expect more “damaging information.” Now it’s clear that Trump got that information from Stone himself. But this material was revealed in the Stone trial, too—Gates’s testimony made headlines at the time.

“Stone also had conversations about Wikileaks with Steve Bannon, both before and after Banon took over as chairman of the Trump campaign” in August 2016—telling Bannon after he became chairman that Wikileaks would soon release material damaging to the Clinton campaign.  (Vol. I, p. 54)

This, too, became public during the Stone trial—in this case thanks to testimony by Bannon himself.

www.lawfareblog.com/…

Karma:



— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) July 2, 2020

Villagers for Trump staged the rally that started at Barnes & Noble and made its way through Lake Sumter Landing multiple times before heading to Spanish Springs Town Square. While much of the route saw a peaceful parade, it was a much different story in Lake Sumter Landing in front of Panera Bread.

Democrats supporting Joe Biden had set up on both sides of the roadway and name-calling went back and forth as golf carts decorated with Trump signs drove by. Democrat Sharon Sandler, of the Village of Buttonwood, called many of those Trump supporters Nazi lovers, which didn’t set well with one resident who slammed on his brakes and jumped out of his golf cart to confront her.

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Sunday’s parade included more than 650 golf carts, which is a record for Villagers for Trump parades. It marked the second year in a row club members have honored the president on his birthday and Flag Day. Last year, they gathered at the intersection of Morse Boulevard and County Road 466 for a sign-waving rally that included about 40 participants.

www.villages-news.com/…

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— Vicki PW #ResistanceIsNotFutile 🌊 🗽 (@Preppycrat) July 2, 2020

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— Kyle Griffin (@kylegriffin1) July 2, 2020

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